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C R I M E S A G A I N S T H U M A N I T Y
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the focus is:
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Guantánamo Bay Prison
Precursor of an America Gulag
Establishing the Precedent for Concentration Camps in America
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Did you ever wonder why the White House set up the Guantánamo
prison and why they operate it the way they do? If any of the
prisoners have any real connection with terrorism, then certainly
it would be easy to prosecute them in a normal civil or military
court. In today's climate of fear, any judge or jury would just
love to get the chance to "hit back" at terrorism by handing down
a stiff verdict. They probably would even accept thin evidence.
My
own suspicion is that there are several other reasons for
Guantánamo . . . I imagine there are two immediate reasons
for the secrecy and the shredding of judicial protections. First,
most of the prisoners are probably not terrorists at all; they
were rounded up simply to boost the numbers. The secrecy and
isolation permit the treacherous charade to be continued without
interference or outside knowledge. Second, there are probably a
few prisoners who really were involved in the Al Qeada network.
Those must be kept isolated because of the stories they could
tell about CIA connections with Al Qeada leading right up to
9-11.
But
I believe the underlying fundamental reason for Guantánamo,
and its flagrant brutality, is to establish a precedent to enable
more concentration camps in the USA.
The hyper-propaganda fear-mongering campaign has created a climate
where the general public supports what's going in Guantánamo
for the time being. The longer the Administration can preserve that
climate of fear, the longer the mere existence of the prison causes
it to become de facto "normal and acceptable". Meanwhile, the
Pentagon is rushing together a phony kangaroo-court legal system so
that concentration-camp practices can become part of the established
legal framework. That will be useful in case public opinion
becomes less accepting. . . .
As
capitalism plunges into its terminal crisis -- the global limits
to growth -- our elite masters must employ ever-more desperate
measures to keep the system going a bit longer. . . .
"Globalization" is simply the name for one phase of this
grip-tightening process. The anti-globalization movement
represents a popular recognition that the tightening process is
going too far, and that the fundamental assumptions behind how
our society operates need to be examined. Meanwhile the
tightening process continues apace, accelerates, expands in its
dimensions. The danger to the regime is that larger segments of
the population begin to connect the dots.
9-11
and its aftermath enable the regime to deal with this threat
at two different levels. On the one hand, with all the hysteria
and warpath fanfare, attention is distracted from thinking about
what the real ills of our society might be. On the other hand, if
one of these days the propaganda
hysteria war machine stops fooling most of the people, there will
be concentration camps and phony courts ready to handle that
scenario as well.
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- Night Sweats - The Pentagon Archipelago's purpose is
to establish the principle of arbitrary rule,
by Chris Floyd, The Moscow Times, 19 Mar 2004
- Courts Reject Bush Policies on "Enemy Combatants",
by Paul Wolf with assembled articles, 19 Dec 2003
Introduction
- Courts affirm rights of terror suspects
Judges reject Bushpolicies on prisoners in Cuba and US
by Reynolds Holding, San Francisco Chronicle, 19 Dec 2003
- Appellate rulings: Bush administration terror
suspects belong in U.S. courts
by David Kravets, Associated Press, 18 Dec 2003
- US court delivers blow to Guantánamo policy
Australian Broadcasting Corporation, 19 Dec 2003
- Excerpt: Gherebi v. Bush Decision, 18 Dec 2003
- Guantánamo hearing delayed - Defense lawyers
object to search
ABC12/The Associated Press, 17 Dec 2003
- Lower court ruling of Gherebi v. Bush that
was remanded, 13 May 2003
- Concentration Camp Guantánamo,
by Richard K. Moore with accompanying articles, 5 Dec 2003
Introduction
- US fires Guantánamo defence team
by James Meek, The Guardian, 3 December 2003
- People the law forgot
by James Meek, The Guardian, 3 December 2003
- Korematsu Brief and Guantánamo,
articles assembled by Paul Wolf, 16 Nov 2003
- The Justices and Guantánamo
by Elaine Cassel, citypages.com, 12 Nov 2003
- The Upcoming Supreme Court Cases
Involving the Guantánamo Detainees
Why They Will Be Transcendently Important
by Edward Lazarus, FindLaw, 13 Nov 2003
- Brief of Amicus Curiae Fred Korematsu
in Support of Petitioners Al Odah, et al
by Geoffrey Stone, David Strauss, Stephen Schulhofer, 2003
- Justices to Hear Case of Detainees at Guantánamo,
by Paul Wolf with assembled article, 10 Nov 2003
- Justices to Hear Case of Detainees at Guantánamo
by Linda Greenhouse, New York Times, 11 Nov 2003
- Notes on Guantánamo Habeus Corpus Cases by Paul Wolf
- Rush Bimbo & Guantánamo, by Francis A. Boyle, 8 Feb 2002
- The Other War: The Bush Administration
and the End of Civil Liberties,
by Elaine Cassel, CounterPunch, 26 Apr 2003
- US plans death camp, The Mail on Sunday, 26 May 2003
- Officers Shaken by Arrival of Child Terrorists, Afgha.com, 26 May 2003
- Guantanamo Bay, by Peter Marshall, BBC Newsnight, 11/28/02
- See Also from the U.K. Guardian:
"By focusing on physical conditions, there is a risk of missing
the unique aspect of Guantánamo -- the arbitrary,
unprecedented and unfair way in which President Bush and his
administration have confined hundreds of people without either
any idea how long they are to be locked up, or any way to plead
their case. . . . [T]he Guardian understands from a
uniformed source with intimate knowledge of the mood among the
current military defence team that there is deep unhappiness
about the commission set up -- a disturbing situation when the
death chamber may await those found guilty. "It's like you took
military justice, gave it to a prosecutor and said: `Modify it
any way you want,'" the source says. `The government would like
to say we have done these commissions before. But what happened
after [the Nazi cases] was that the military justice system
changed . . . What we have done is stupid. It is, I would say,
an insult to the military, to the evolution of the military
justice system. They want to take us back to 1942.
`What
the Bush administration did was literally use as a model a set of
rules Roosevelt signed for dealing with German saboteurs in the
second world war, seven years before the
Geneva Conventions.
It baffles me how the government got into this position. We have
an [appeals] court that's been around for 53 years and which has
built up a huge body of law. To rely on this review panel instead
of using that court, it's indefensible.' . . . `You kidnap people
who may be totally innocent, you take them all the way around the
world in hoods and shackles, you hold them incommunicado for two
years, you don't give them a lawyer and you don't tell them what
they're charged with. It's not a matter of what's wrong with it,
it's a question of what's right with it. And it achieves nothing.' . . .
Article
5 of the
Third
Geneva Convention is clear: any captured belligerent whose
status is uncertain should be considered a PoW until their status
is settled by a `competent tribunal'.
[E]nemy
combatant status, combined with the lack of
Article
5 tribunals, means that the Guantánamo detainees are kept captive
until the end of a potentially endless `war', without the
opportunity to plead before a court that they had nothing to do
with that `war.' The US does not consider itself obliged to put
them on trial, so has no obligation to give them lawyers; even if
they are put on trial, and are acquitted, under its own rules,
the US might simply lock them up again. . . . Now, it
appears, anyone, US citizen or not, can be declared an `enemy
combatant', at any time, and thus be detained indefinitely at
Bush's discretion.
Enemy
combatant status is leaking out of Guantánamo and into the
mainland US. There are now three `enemy combatants' held in US
military jails. One is a Qatari computer student living in
Illinois, Ali Saleh Kahlah al-Marri. He was awaiting trial on
low-grade criminal charges indirectly linked to terrorism when,
immediately after the government's case against him looked to be
in trouble, the Bush administration declared him an `enemy
combatant' and moved him to a high-security naval prison,
allowing a trial to be avoided, and the accused to be held for as
long as the president likes.
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