The Secret War
        Frustrated by intelligence failures, the Defense Department
      is dramatically expanding its `black world' of covert operations
                            by William M. Arkin
                              27 October 2002
                             Los Angeles Times


     SOUTH POMFRET, Vt. -- In what may well be the largest expansion of
     covert action by the armed forces since the Vietnam era, the Bush
     administration has turned to what the Pentagon calls the "black
     world" to press the war on terrorism and weapons of mass
     destruction.

     The Defense Department is building up an elite secret army with
     resources stretching across the full spectrum of covert
     capabilities. New organizations are being created. The missions of
     existing units are being revised. Spy planes and ships are being
     assigned new missions in anti-terror and monitoring the "axis of
     evil."

     The increasingly dominant role of the military, Pentagon officials
     say, reflects frustration at the highest levels of government with
     the performance of the intelligence community, law enforcement
     agencies and much of the burgeoning homeland security apparatus.
     It also reflects the desire of Secretary of Defense Donald
     Rumsfeld to gain greater overall control of the war on terror.

     Insulated from outside pressures, armed with matchless weapons and
     technology, trained to operate below the shadow line, the
     Pentagon's black world of classified operations holds out the hope
     of swift, decisive action in a struggle against terrorism that
     often looks more like a family feud than a war.

     Coupled with the enormous effort being made throughout the
     government to improve and link information networks and databases,
     covert anti-terror operations promise to put better information in
     the hands of streamlined military teams that can identify, monitor
     and neutralize terrorist threats.

     "Prevention and preemption are ... the only defense against
     terrorism," Rumsfeld said in May. "Our task is to find and destroy
     the enemy before they strike us."

     The new apparatus for covert operations and the growing government
     secrecy associated with the war on terrorism reflect the way the
     Bush administration's most senior officials see today's world:

     First, they see fighting terrorism and its challenge to U.S.
     interests and values as the 21st century equivalent of the Cold
     War crusade against communism. Second, they believe the magnitude
     of the threat requires, and thus justifies, aggressive new
     "off-the-books" tactics.

     In their understandable frustration over continued atrocities such
     as the recent Bali attack, however, U.S. officials might keep two
     points in mind.

     Though covert action can bring quick results, because it is
     isolated from the normal review processes it can just as quickly
     bring mistakes and larger problems. Also, the Pentagon is every
     bit as capable as the civilian side of the government when it
     comes to creating organization charts and bureaucracy that stifle
     creative thinking and timely action.

     The development of the Pentagon's covert counter-terror capability
     has its roots in the 1979 Iran hostage crisis. The Army created a
     highly compartmentalized organization that could collect
     clandestine intelligence independent of the rest of the U.S.
     intelligence community and follow through with covert military
     action.

     Known as the Intelligence Support Activity, or ISA, when it was
     established in 1981, this unit fought in drug wars and
     counter-terror operations from the Middle East to South America.
     It built a reputation for daring, flexibility and a degree of
     lawlessness.

     In May 1982, Deputy Secretary of Defense Frank Carlucci called the
     ISA "uncoordinated and uncontrolled." Though its freelance
     tendencies were curbed, the ISA continued to operate under
     different guises through the ill-starred U.S. involvement in
     Somalia in 1992 and was reportedly active in the hunt for Bosnian
     Serbs suspected of war crimes.

     Today, the ISA operates under the code name Gray Fox. In addition
     to covert operations, it provides the war on terrorism with the
     kind of so-called "close-in" signals monitoring -- including the
     interception of cell phone conversations -- that helped bring down
     Colombian drug lord Pablo Escobar.

     Gray Fox's low-profile eavesdropping planes also fly without
     military markings. Working closely with Special Forces and the
     CIA, Gray Fox also places operatives inside hostile territory.

     In and around Afghanistan, Gray Fox was part of a secret sphere
     that included the CIA's paramilitary Special Activities Division
     and the Pentagon's Joint Special Operations Command.

     These commands and "white" Special Forces like the Green Berets,
     as well as Air Force combat controllers and commandos of eight
     different nations report to a mind-boggling array of new command
     cells and coordination units set up after Sept. 11.

     An Army brigadier general commands the Joint Interagency Task
     Force at Bagram air base north of Kabul to coordinate CIA, Defense
     Department and coalition forces in Afghanistan. A new Campaign
     Support Group has been established at Ft. Bragg, N.C. The Special
     Operations Joint Interagency Collaboration Center has been created
     in Tampa, Fla.

     In Europe, the Joint Interagency Coordination Group handles
     information-sharing and logistical support with NATO. Hawaii's
     Pacific Command stood up a Joint Interagency Counter-Terrorist
     Group this summer.

     Meantime, old commands are being morphed into new ones for the
     covert war. The two Joint Interagency Task Forces in the United
     States previously devoted to fighting drugs now have the war on
     terrorism as their highest priority.

     The epicenter of the Pentagon's covert operations remains the
     North Carolina-based Joint Special Operations Command, often
     referred to as Delta Force. The super-secret command is still not
     officially acknowledged to exist. Its two-star commander, Army
     Maj. Gen. Dell L. Dailey, who spent much of the Afghan war in
     Oman, has no public biography.

     Among Dailey's assets is a fleet of aircraft specially equipped
     for secret operations -- conventional and covert military planes
     and helicopters, and even former Soviet helicopters. The bulk of
     those craft, including the reconfigured Russian choppers, fly from
     airfields in Uzbekistan and from two Pakistani air bases, Shahbaz
     and Shamsi.

     The Air Force and the CIA collect additional intelligence from
     unmanned Predator and Global Hawk drones. They also have
     low-profile reconnaissance assets that look like transport planes
     and operate under such code names as ARL-Low, Keen Sage, Scathe
     View and Senior Scout.

     Not to be left out, the Navy's Gray Star spy vessel, reminiscent
     of the old Pueblo, captured by North Korea in 1968, now sweeps up
     sophisticated -- and obscure -- "measurements and signatures
     intelligence" to monitor the ballistic missile capabilities of
     Iraq, Iran and North Korea.

     Even with all this, the Pentagon wants to expand covert
     capabilities.

     Rumsfeld's influential Defense Science Board 2002 Summer Study on
     Special Operations and Joint Forces in Support of Countering
     Terrorism says in its classified "outbrief" -- a briefing drafted
     to guide other Pentagon agencies -- that the global war on
     terrorism "requires new strategies, postures and organization."

     The board recommends creation of a super-Intelligence Support
     Activity, an organization it dubs the Proactive, Preemptive
     Operations Group, (P2OG), to bring together CIA and military
     covert action, information warfare, intelligence, and cover and
     deception.

     Among other things, this body would launch secret operations aimed
     at "stimulating reactions" among terrorists and states possessing
     weapons of mass destruction -- that is, for instance, prodding
     terrorist cells into action and exposing themselves to
     "quick-response" attacks by U.S. forces.

     Such tactics would hold "states/sub-state actors accountable" and
     "signal to harboring states that their sovereignty will be at
     risk," the briefing paper declares.

     Never to be outdone in proposing hardware solutions, the Air Force
     is designing its own Global Response Task Force to fight the war
     on terrorism. The all-seeing, all-bombing Air Force envisions
     unmanned A-X aircraft capable of long-range, nighttime gunship
     operations and an M-X covert transport, as well as hypersonic and
     space-based conventional weapons capable of delivering a
     "worldwide attack within an hour."

     Who says the arms race is over? Rumsfeld's science board warns
     against overemphasis on equipment even as it recommends more.
     Washington is well on its way to an arms race with itself.

     And for those who worry that all these secret operations and
     aggressive new doctrines will turn the United States into the
     world's policeman, there is a ray of hope.

     Rumsfeld is now the field marshal of the war on terrorism, but the
     Pentagon is also creating new layers of bureaucracy that may save
     it from itself. Not to mention the rest of us.



     William M. Arkin is a military affairs Times analyst who writes
     regularly for Opinion. (warkin@igc.org) He is also a senior fellow
     at the Johns Hopkins University School of Advanced International
     Studies.

     Copyright © William Arkin 2002
     Reprinted for Fair Use Only.




     See Also:
        o Global Eye - Into the Dark by Chris Floyd, 11/5/02
        o `P2OG' allows Pentagon to fight dirty by David Isenberg, 11/5/02
        o Understanding Special Operations, And Their Impact on The Vietnam
          War Era - 1989 Interview with L. Fletcher Prouty, Colonel USAF
          (Retired), by David Ratcliffe, 1999.
          With special note of:
             + Opening the Door to CIA Clandestine Operations:
               Shifting NSC Oversight from Directing to Approving Plans
             + The Function of the Director of Central Intelligence:
               Coordinating Intelligence of the Government Intelligence
               Community
             + Clandestine Operations: Out of Control
               If Not Directed by the National Security Council
        o Executive Summary and Summary of Prosecutions:
          Final Report Of The Independent Counsel For Iran/Contra Matters
          Volume I: Investigations and Prosecutions
          Lawrence E. Walsh, Independent Counsel
          4 August 1993, Washington D.C.
          UNITED STATES COURT OF APPEALS FOR THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA
          CIRCUIT
        o The Secret Team, The CIA and Its Allies in Control of the United
          States and the World, by L. Fletcher Prouty, Col., U.S. Air Force
          (Ret.), 1973, 1997





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